The Inhuman AFSPA is Our Way of Handling Insurgency

By Antara Dev Sen

“Why aren’t you writing about Irom Sharmila?” demanded Shirin Ebadi, the Nobel Peace Laureate and Iranian human rights lawyer, in a media meet in Delhi in 2006. Sharmila had been fasting for six years protesting army atrocities in Manipur under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). Ebadi’s vehement support had given a fillip to Sharmila’s protest. But the Government was unmoved.

This week, Sharmila completed ten years of her hunger strike. On 2 November 2000, Assam Rifles troops had arbitrarily shot dead 10 civilians waiting at a bus stop at Malom, Manipur. Sharmila, then a poet and human rights worker of 28, demanded a repeal of the inhuman Act and went on her fast unto death.

But the State would not grant Sharmila’s bhook hartal moral legitimacy. She was arrested for the crime of attempted suicide. For ten years she has been forcefully tube-fed in captivity. And the AFSPA, which allows the army to kill, rape and torture ordinary citizens with impunity, and has been in place in the Northeast since 1958, continues unabated in the Northeast and Jammu and Kashmir.

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This colonial legacy, that suspends citizens’ democratic rights, is the world’s largest democracy’s way of handling insurgency.

The government is wilfully disregarding three points here. First, repealing the AFSPA would be an important step to end the cycle of violence that has engulfed insurgency-prone areas, as state and non-state actors attack, kill and harm civilians in a macabre fight to the finish. The AFSPA has bred a military culture of torture, rape, extra-judicial killings, mysterious disappearances and arbitrary detention. The 2004 torture and killing of Thangjam Manorama by the Assam Rifles is one example.

The AFSPA breeds outrage, anger and helplessness that pushes hot-blooded youngsters to militancy. Manipur is now brimming with insurgent factions. Recently, the state media went on strike in the face of threats from militants. Bomb attacks and extortion rackets rule. Clearly, the AFSPA has failed to handle militancy.

And passionate protests have not helped. Not the demonstrations, petitioning the Supreme Court, appealing to the United Nations, even self-immolations by students and a naked protest march by middle-aged women. Even official recommendations from Government-appointed commissions have failed. The Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee, the Veerappa Moily Commission and the Working Group on Jammu and Kashmir led by Vice President Hamid Ansari have all recommended the AFSPA’s repeal. As a face saver, an Armed Forces (Special Powers) Amendment Bill is languishing in Parliament.

Second, the AFSPA signifies the insecurity of the Indian State that cannot deal with internal dissent. The army can take over for short periods in war zones, but must not replace democratic rule in general. For half a century, the State has relinquished its democratic duties in parts of India and given the army a free hand.

And finally, by devaluing the hunger strike of a civilian, the government is denigrating peaceful protest. We remember how swiftly it took political steps to break the 11-day fast of K. Chandrasekhar Rao (whose followers were not all peace-loving) demanding Telengana, a regional issue. But not for Sharmila’s decade-long fast for a national concern.

Fasting is the chosen tool of non-violent protest of the powerless. It has the moral muscle that Gandhi had used brilliantly during our freedom struggle. If even the world’s most remarkable hunger-strike is snubbed, what options do victims of state-sponsored atrocities have of registering dissent?

AFSPA And Unsolved Massacres in Manipur

By Anjuman Ara Begum

Heirangoithong massacre: March 14, 1984: Thousands were watching a volley ball match at the Heirangoithong Volley Ball Ground in Imphal. Some extremists tried to snatch weapons from the CRPF personnel there which resulted in the CRPF beginning to fire killing five people.

The injured extremists soon fled. The CRPF at the spot then began to shoot indiscriminately at the crowd, and more joined the team from the nearby CRPF camp.

Thirteen people were killed and 31 injured in the firing that went on for half an hour. Mr Y Ibotombi Singh, District Judge, was appointed as Enquiry Commissioner vide Manipur Government Notification No 1/1/ (45)/84-H dated June 25, 1984. The Commissioner reported that there was no cross-firing and that two constables fired at the crowd even after the extremists had fled away, killing and wounding them. It found that the Platoon commander instigated to fire more instead of controlling the situation. It also reportedly accused the Platoon commander of being little conscious and completely forgetting his duty. A compensation of a mere Rs 10,000 each was given to the next of kin of those killed and those injured were given Rs 4000.

Operation Blue Bird at Oinam: July 10, 1987: Insurgents raided the Assam Rifles post at Oinam village and looted the armoury. Nine AR personnel were also killed in the attack which triggered the Operation Blue Bird. Three months saw a reign of terror by the AR in 30 villages there. Fourteen civilians were shot dead and several others died of hunger, starvation and torture in the concentration camps, out of the shock of witnessing the torture of dear ones, etc. In an infamous incident of the operation, a woman was forced to deliver her child in public view in an open field, as the troops jeered.

Tera Bazar Massacre: March 25, 1993: Unidentified youth shot at CRPF personnel at Tera Keithel, Imphal which killed 2 CRPF men. Thereafter, the CRPF personnel rushed out and fired indiscriminately. Five civilians were killed and many others received bullet injuries. However, no enquiry has been instituted to date.

RMC Massacre: January 7, 1995: On the morning of January 7, 1995, the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel shot dead nine innocent persons at the Regional Medical College (RMC), Imphal, in retaliation for the attacks on them by the members of an armed opposition group. The victims were Moni Riba, a student of RMC, Laimayum Pradeep Sharma (Guard), Wangkhem Upendra Singh, driver, Mohammed Jakir, rikshaw puller, and autorikshaws drivers Saikhom Premchand Singh, Hijam Khogen, R K Khogen Singh, Angom Debendra Singh and Koijam Rajendra Singh. Shri.D.M Sen, retired Judge, Calcutta High Court, conducted an inquiry and confirmed the arbitrary and intentional shootings by the CRPF personnel. The enquiry commission found that one member of an insurgent group had fired at the CRPF personnel posted at the RMC’s main gate. He was guarding his colleagues who were injured in Bishenpur district on January 1, 1995. However, the injury of (their colleague) Mr. Yadav provoked the CRPF personnel of the 199th Battalion and they were angry when they were fired. As soon as the firing took place, the CRPF personnel reportedly shouted ‘hamara admi ko mara, sab Manipuri ko maro’. After killing two medical staffs, the CRPF personnel came near the gate of the RMC and shouted at the rikshaw pullers and started firing at them. A rikshaw puller Mohammed Zakir cried out ‘Allahu akbar’ when injured. One CRPF personnel shouted, ‘kya Allah?’ and shot again. Zakir fell down and died on the spot. Five rickshaw pullers were killed.

Compensation paid by the state to the next kin of those killed was Rs 25,000 and the injured received compensation of Rs. 5, 000. On March 17, 2008, the Adhoc Additional Sessions Judge, Fast Track Court, Guwahati, convicted four CRPF personnel for killing the nine civilians. A statement issued by the Central Bureau of Investigation from New Delhi on March 26, 2008, said that the four CRPF personnel were handed life terms in an order issued on March 17, 2008, and named the convicted men as Head Constable Ram Dayal Sah, Constables Shiv Kumar Pandey and Puttu Lal and Naik Md Razak. The four were also fined Rs 5000 each, failing which their prison terms would be extended by three more months

Malom Massacre: November 2, 2000: Assam Rifles convoy was attacked near Malom, Manipur by insurgents. In retaliation, the troops shot at civilians at a nearby bus-stop leaving 10 civilians dead, including a 60 year old woman and a boy who had been awarded the bravery award by the former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. A brutal combing operation followed. Irom Sharmila’s fast-to-death began in the aftermath of this incident.

Several other massacres are
 Oinam Leikai Massacre on November 21, 1980
 Ukhrul Massacres on May 9, 1995
 Bashikhong massacre on February 19, 1995
 Churachandpur Massacres on July 21, 1999
 Nungleiban Massacre on October 15, 1997
 Tabokpikhong Massacres on August 12, 1997
 Tonsen lamkhai Massacres on September 3, 2000 (is it 1999?)

via TwoCircles.net

Ruling NPF Opposes Continuation of AFSPA in Nagaland

Kohima, Nov 4 : The ruling Naga People's Front (NPF) today took exception to the Centre's decision to continue the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Nagaland for another eight months.

The regional party alleged that the Central government had chosen to turn a blind eye to peace prevailing in the state and extended the tag of disturbed area and AFSPA for eight months.

Terming AFSPA as a ''draconian law'', NPF advisor Ato Yepthomi said the extension of such measures was uncalled for when Naga underground factions were in ceasefire with the Centre.

Moreover, peace and re-conciliation process was proceeding, he said.

"This is nothing more than rubbing salt to injuries of the Nagas who in recent times are recovering from bitter fratricidal killings," he said in a statement here.

Manipur Militants Credit Scheme, Pumping in Rs 30-40 Lakh

Imphal, Nov 3 : Manipur based UNLF militants, which is still outside the peace process, has been successfully running a unique co-operative saving and credit banking system (Phunga Marup) since 2009, a report in a regional daily revealed.

The report while saying that the saving and credit banking system was part of outfit’s bid to spread its tentacles in the Northeast India.

The scheme came to light during the interrogation of its secretary M Nongyai arrested by security force in Assam recently.

Security forces recently stumbled upon the outfits’ activity while interrogating the arrested secretary, M Nongyai.

According to security forces, the main objective of the outfit is to win over the hearts of the local populace by lending them money and in return taking safe shelter in villages.

The system is in operation in four districts of Manipur and Cachar, Hojai sub-division in Nagaon which has a sizeable Meitei population, the report revealed.

The outfit is believed to be pumping in about ‘ 30 to ‘ 40 lakh per annum in this core finance system.

According to information revealed to security forces by the arrested UNLF cadres, the outfit through the Marup system has been financing villagers to be self reliant through weaving, handicraft and other means of livelihood.

The loan amount to individual varies between ‘3000 to ‘ 4000 for a period of four to five months with interest rates varying from 0.5 to 1%.

“The UNLF forms self help groups consisting about 15 members and there are about 45,000 beneficiaries of the finance system,” a source said, according to Times of India reports.

The money used by the outfit to finance the rural populace is collected through extortion from different areas in Manipur.

Importance of Being Tribal

By Patricia Mukhim

This article is not an adaptation of Oscar Wilde’s The Importance of being Earnest, a farcical comedy in which the protagonists maintain fictitious personas in order to escape burdensome obligations.

In the Northeast, leaders of militant outfits all construct romantic facades about themselves. In the region, Che Guevera is our hero but only in so far as the name goes. The actions of our homegrown supermen are far removed from that of the legendary Argentine Marxist revolutionary with several remarkable qualities, none of them fictitious. Che was a physician, author, writer and an intellectual par excellence. So comparisons cannot only be odious but ludicrous as well.

Recently, there was a media splash detailing the material acquisitions of Jewel Garlosa’s Dima Halam Daogah. The media took vicarious pleasure in giving a blow-by-blow account of Garlosa’s possessions, like a watch costing over a lakh of rupees, etc, and his facial maintenance regime. This information was, of course, shared by India’s premier sleuths, the National Investigating Agency. I found this undue haste to sensationalise Garlosa’s wealth ranking somewhat phony. Garlosa is already a discredited man. You can do no further harm to a guy who is down and out. However, there is a certain gaucherie in the NIA’s actions, which reek of bellicosity. It feels pretty much like the state landing a final punch on one of its baiters.

Why is the NIA not so gung-ho about giving us an inventory of possessions of other more powerful groups like the NSCN(IM), the Ulfa and the National Democratic Front of Boroland? If the DHD(J), which is just about a few years old, could have amassed so much affluence, think of the amount Ulfa has accumulated in its more than two decades of militancy which nearly pulverised the tea industry and other economic sectors of Assam.

Garlosa has accomplished no mean feat. He has only walked the path of his mentors (NSCN-IM), so what’s the big deal about publicising his ignoble deeds? Now that a number of Ulfa leaders have either surrendered or been arrested, why are similar seizure lists not made public? Let us also have a public exposure of Ulfa’s wealth, including its numerous bank accounts and its strategic investments. Let’s not fool ourselves that the swish malls and shopping plazas that have turned Guwahati into a mall city have been created with “duly accounted for” private wealth. Those glittering malls and the huge real estate industry are examples of what you can achieve with “black” money in a situation where no one, not even the Income-Tax sleuths, bothers to ask questions. It is easy for the NIA to kick a man who is already down and out, but how about taking on the Ulfa or the NSCN? A crime is a crime is a crime. The state should not use different sets of lenses to view different militant outfits.

And that is precisely the point of this article. Every armed outfit needs an alibi to convince a gullible public. That alibi comes in the form of an ideology built around people’s aspirations. In general, people are disillusioned by the absence of governance and the dwindling opportunities for equitable growth. People see that only those in the favoured list of the powers that be enjoy the fruits of development while the rest languish in the black hole of poverty and destitution. This frustration and disillusionment is the fertile ground that militancy needs to sow its first seeds. After that, the ideologues who have mastered the art of demagoguery in colleges and universities can simply collect their spoils.

When the Ulfa started out it drummed up support for its cause by demonising “India” and othering it as the “state” that treated Assam like a colony in the same vein that the British treated India. Choruses of exploitation of Assam’s rich natural resources by mainland India and the humungous influx of Bangladeshis from across the border were themes constructed by those who led the pre-Ulfa movement or the Assam agitation of the late ’70s and early ’80s. Everyone joined the chorus. Ironically, when a young and dynamic group wrested political power and entered Dispur, one would have thought things would change. Nay, it led to another trajectory in Assam’s tumultuous politics. The “boys” at Dispur seemed to have failed to rein in the dark forces. When the Ulfa, with another set of “boys”, was baptised it received the blessings of every hardliner Assamese who believed that there was need for a counter-force to challenge an insouciant state. By then the “state” encapsulated all who held the reins of power at Delhi and Dispur. After all, Dispur was only an extension of Delhi. The rest, of course, is history, which need not be narrated ad nauseum.

But if the Ulfa came up on an anti-India slogan and a demand for sovereignty, the other militant outfits, mainly from the “tribal” areas of Assam, raised their ugly heads as a protest against Dispur’s perceived apathy towards their cause. It started with Rajiv Gandhi’s famous accord with the All Assam Students’ Union, which was later perceived by the other groups to be “exclusively” with and for the Assamese people. By then the Bodos and other tribes realised they were out in the cold and that the Assam movement did not actually embrace their aspirations. The Bodo insurgency, then, is a cantankerous reaction to the Assam Accord.

It was only a matter of time before other contumacious groups would come up. The Karbi and Dimasa militancy are also based on the same analogy as that of the Bodos. Dispur became the bashing board and rightly so because development was inherently skewed. Even today all development indicators in the tribal areas of Assam are akin to those of sub-Saharan Africa. This is not to say that other areas of Assam are not equally in the doldrums. But ethnic aspirations and the politics of identity had by then become very lucrative for the plains tribals.

The Bodo Accord, which actually gave the Bodo leadership (not the people) unparalleled access to power and pelf, became the model for the Karbi and Dimasa groups as well.

The much-vaunted Rs 1,000-crore development package for the North Cachar Hills came as a result of the senseless violence wreaked by DHD militants on the state. This is Delhi’s way of responding to the sulks and complaints of the North-east. Those who rule this country believe in the philology of “Money Talks”. It is patronage democracy at its crudest. The Centre believes today that the only way to actually shut people up and get on with the Delhi-based governance model is to throw a few crores of rupees here and there and let the rest take care of itself. It is not Delhi’s heartache how the money is used. The underlying idea is to corrupt the belligerent trumpeters of different hues to the point that they develop a fatty liver and ultimately die of the disease. But what of the new contenders to leadership?

It’s not as if militancy will die with its leader. Delhi does not care about such repercussions. It is our own illusory ideas that make us believe that the North-east matters to this country. Yes, the region matters only to the extent that the natural resources here still make business sense. That’s it!

It is unfortunate that this region has not imbibed the lessons of self-reliance and autonomy. We have learnt instead to dance to Delhi’s tune. As a result, those we elect are subservient to the Delhi Durbar. This region used to be the land of proud people with rich cultural values. Now all that is in the past. We have been corrupted to the core and now all of us are exposed in the same manner that Jewel Garlosa is. Garlosa’s shame is our collective shame because what the NIA is trying to tell us (the tribal leadership of all persuasions) through the expose is that “you people come up with high-falutin slogans but are rotten to the core”. Indeed, the word “tribal” is today equivalent to being backward, sloppy, intellectually vacuous, morally bankrupt and politically cacophonous. This is how Delhi understands the “tribal” mindset. That’s because over time our engagements with Delhi have been more about “money” and less about pragmatic development paradigms.

The Jewel Garlosa story is a sad denouement to what could have been an intelligent assertion for more equitable development, better governance and better infrastructure creation in Dima Hasao or the “land of the Dimasas”.

We only have to look at Meghalaya to see how a small section of the tribal elite has enriched themselves on Delhi’s largesse even while millions live on the brink of dispossession, to understand that tribal politics has sunk to its nadir and so has the character of its Delhi-driven rulers.

**The writer is editor, The Shillong Times, and can be  contacted at patricia17@rediffmail.com

Get to Know: Tamara Moss

Top Indian model and 20-yr-old Tamara Moss is half-Indian & half-Dutch.

At the recent WIFW, we caught up with her.

A World Full of Holes

Big, small & ugly — these holes have caused many a traffic jam and damage to the residents. Sink holes are increasingly becoming a fashion, the latest being the one in central German town of Schmalkalden.

The residents of the quiet, central German town of Schmalkalden got a huge early morning surprise Monday when a crater nearly 100 feet across and 70 feet deep opened up in the middle of a residential area, according to several news reports. None of the town's citizens were injured.

Wolfgang Peter, a resident, said he was awakened by a roaring sound at 3 a.m., reported Der Spiegel, a German news magazine. "First I heard the rushing of water and then it sounded as if a dozen gravel trucks were being emptied," Peter said, adding that when he went outside to investigate he suddenly found himself standing on the edge of a giant crater right next to his house.

The Associated Press reports that 25 people and six houses were evacuated from the scene. Although authorities have yet to determine the exact cause of the hole, most news reports indicate it was natural causes and not mining that led the soil to collapse.

A spokesman for the Environment and Agriculture Ministry in the Thuringia State, which contains the town of Schmalkalden, told Der Spiegel that the region is prone to landslides because of its geological makeup.

The spokesman pointed out a similar case in the town of Tiefenort where five houses became uninhabitable when a crater more than 6-and-a-half feet deep opened up in January.

Authorities plan to fill the hole with gravel, the AP reports.

Cars are seen parked in their garages next to the crater in the eastern German town of of Schmalkalden on November 1, 2010. 25 residents were evacuated from the area but no was was injured.

Aerial view shows the crater in the eastern German town of of Schmalkalden on November 1, 2010. 25 residents were evacuated from the area but no was was injured.

Football Promotes Unity in Diversity in Northeast India

By Vaschipem Kamodang

Jorhat, Nov 3 : Football is to Northeast India what cricket is to the rest for the country. The passion for football among the people of the north-east has led to opening of various football clubs here.

One of such football clubs is located in Jorhat. The buddying players are keen to learn the skills of the game.  

Jail Road Sports Club, established in 64 years ago in Jorhat, is a major draw among aspiring football players from all across the region.

At this football club there are over 200 students aged between 8 to 18 who enjoy playing football together with enthusiasm, regardless of their caste, creed or ethnicity.

Here it looks players belonging to different tribes like the Nagas, Meitei's, Bodo, Mishing or even Bengali, all have associated themselves to one religion - football.

This club displays how oneness can be promoted through football.

"Sports can bring people together; I am from Nagaland and studying in Assam. I do not know what people talk about me, but I like to play football and through it I have got to know people of Assam well and I have made a lot of friends," said Chuba Aier, one of the Naga players.

"Through sports we can promote brotherhood and friendship. When we play together at a tournament, we get to meet people from other areas," said Ranjan Khangenbam of Manipur.

The youth in north-eastern states are passionate about football and most of them wish to emulate popular players like Baichung Bhutia, Sunil Chetri and Gaurmangi Singh.

Players from the north-east have a significant presence at the national level and they represent a variety of clubs.

The craze for football in north-east is growing. This is evident from the emergence of as Shillong-based Lajong Football Club that became the first club from the region to qualify for Indian football's Elite I-League.

By visiting the north-east region, one learns that the players here have immense talent.
"People from north-east have capability and talent and they can do really well for their country," said Chuba Aier, a Naga.

Sports has emerged as the best-career option
"Young students should focus on studies as well as sports because it keeps them healthy. It also translates into jobs for many who go on to play at state level or national level," said Bhubon Borah, a technical coach.

But there is general feeling here that the region can bring out many players, provided, there is proper infrastructure to groom the available talent.

"Players do not have good infrastructure. During the national games that were held in Assam, there was some development in the infrastructure for sports but the facilities are still far from what they should have been," says Nobin Borah, coach of the Jorhat Sports Club.

The State Governments are becoming conscious of the need to encourage sports and changes are taking place in the region.