20 November 2013

NE Business Summit to address development issues of region

The Union Ministry of Development of North East Region (DoNER), along with the Indian Chamber of Commerce (ICC), has organized the ‘North-East Business Summit’ in Dibrugarh, Assam from November 22-24.

This will be the ninth edition of the summit, which is the largest trade and investment conference-cum-exposition on India’s North-East Region (NER). 

This is the first time that the event is being held in the interiors of the region, in Dibrugarh in Upper Assam, making it an ideal forum to address grassroots-level developmental issues, an official press release said.

Two Chief Ministers from the neighbouring country of Myanmar - U Thar Aye of Sagaing Region and U Ye Myint, Chief Minister of Mandalay Region - will attend the inaugural session of the summit.

This visit is extremely important, given that Myanmar is India’s true Gateway to the ASEAN markets, and that it has opened up its economy to Asia and the world, the release said.

The Ministry of DoNER is responsible for matters relating to the planning, execution and monitoring of development schemes and projects in the North Eastern Region. Its vision is to accelerate the pace of socio-economic development of the region so that it may enjoy growth parity with the rest of the country.

One of the prime objectives of the Ministry is to showcase the inherent economic, social and cultural strengths of the North East Region as well as to mainstream the region with the country.

The ICC has been assigned by the Ministry of DoNER to organize this summit as the nodal chamber for the North-East.

The Ministry of DoNER, over the years, has strived to showcase the economic potential of the NER to domestic and international investors through meaningful, and strategic initiatives with the help of ICC.

So far, the Ministry of DoNER has organized eight North East Business summit in various part of the country.
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The Indian Chamber of Commerce has also organized mega trade and investment shows on the North-East abroad, particularly in South and South-East Asian countries having potential to be natural trade partners of the North-East region because of its strategic location and proximity to these countries.

More than 500 delegates from across the country, and also from neighbouring countries are expected to attend the event, which will be chaired by Union Minister of DoNER Paban Singh Ghatowar.

Union Cabinet Ministers, Chief Ministers of North-Eastern States, policy-makers, industrialists, economists and analysts are also expected to attend the summit.

Guwahati’s Cosmetic Development

Police personnel patrolling the banks of Brahmaputra River ahead of Republic Day celebrations in Guwahati, Assam, on Jan. 23, 2009.
EPA
Police personnel patrolling the banks of Brahmaputra River ahead of Republic Day celebrations in Guwahati, Assam, on Jan. 23, 2009.
“I come from Guwahati—a small town in the northeastern part of India,” I used to tell my friends in Minnesota, until one person asked me how large is Guwahati. When I answered, he looked at me shocked, “A small town of only 1.4 million people?” I smiled sheepishly because it was partly true, and partly untrue. Untrue because I had grown up believing that my Guwahati is a small town. True because, nowadays even I suspect that during my absence over the years—like a young girl in a large family — Guwahati has as if stealthily grown up without my notice.

I spent most of my childhood in Jalukbari, a lovely area by the National Highway 31, somewhat on the outskirts, occupying a liminal position in the city’s imagination. The royal-poinciana shaded streets, hostels and classrooms of Gauhati University were also situated in Jalukbari. But one day, we had to take the hard decision of leaving Jalukbari. The armed separatist insurgency led by the United Liberation Front of Assam was at its peak. Calls for shutdowns — Assam Bandh — were routine. My parents’ workplaces were far. Not going to work, especially during a bandh, wouldn’t go down well in the high rungs of their offices since both of them were government officers.


Finally, in 1996, we moved to the All India Radio Campus, in Chandmari, a location at the heart of the city, a protected area because it is a central government enterprise. Almost every city bus in Guwahati has to go via Chandmari to go to different parts of the city. Unlike Jalukbari, this part of the city was trampled by history  —  things I discovered later from books; from conversations with nostalgic old neighbors who visited in the evenings. They stayed for long, lamenting about the Assam Movement. The failure of which, in a way, gave rise to extremism in Assam along with identity politics, which has now hopelessly balkanized the state that speaks in many languages, with Assamese as the lingua franca.

Our campus, where fallen laburnum flowers reigned after heavy rains, was established in 1948. When it was inaugurated, Guwahatians protested against playing the National Anthem at the event, because India’s National Anthem, penned by Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore, made no mention of Assam or Northeast. They didn’t want to let an institution that was to be the center of Assam’s cultural activities play that song on its first day; the song perceived as one of the many images of India’s denial toward Assam.

Now, when I walk out of the house, I reach the main road. During the Oil Blockade Movement of the Assam Movement, an injured protester called Dulal Sharma had written “I will give blood, not oil,” with his own blood. If I cross that road, walk down a little, I come across the Parag Das memorial – for the popular journalist who was fatally shot in front of his son’s school on May 17, 1997, for this robust critique of Delhi’s imperial presence in Assam.

I started liking Chandmari also for the woody wild beauty of the radio campus. When my friends came over for lunch, we walked in our calm, shaded lanes. I hung out with my new friends in the campus at the Anandaram Barua Flyover, popularly known as Chandmari Flyover. We believed it was the most romantic spot in Guwahati. Students from Commerce College and the Engineering Institute of Assam sat there in pairs, discreetly holding hands in the evening and whispering words into each other’s ears. We dreamed of dating like that, when we reached college.

During days I fought with my parents, I would sit on the flyover and wonder how sad and horrible my life was. When we patched up, I would tell my mother how I sat there, looking at the speeding cars below and thinking deeply about my sad and horrible life dominated by disagreeable parents. We would laugh, high-fiving.

Like many of my contemporaries, because of the separatist insurgency I left the state for higher studies in 2004. Years of armed conflict had led to massive underdevelopment. Studious ones couldn’t attend classes because of the frequent bandhs — the same bandhs that forced us to leave our beloved Jalukbari. Sometimes, when bandhs were called during exams by a major outfit, students stayed back with friends at the college hostel so that they could write their tests and not lose an academic year. My parents didn’t want me to have such a life full of uncertainty. From a young age, every relative, every family friend, told me to “get out of Assam and build a career outside.”
This summer, I was told that that trend of leaving Assam is reversing now. Guwahati, as people say, is “developing.” New educational institutions, private and public, have sprung up; some private venture institutions have been nationalized. Jobs are opening in the private and public sector since insurgency has been on the decline (though the reasons behind the insurgencies are very much alive like smolders.)

Because of this “development”, a lot of my contemporaries are returning to Assam from cities they had left years ago in search of better opportunities. But the new Guwahati that I encounter annually when I return from the United States to spend my summers is alien to me. Dappled with tall, glittering giant shopping malls that play terrible songs, Guwahati seems like a city only for the wealthy. In this city of the wealthy, there is no space for someone like our cook, who refuses to use the city bus and walks the one-hour stretch from home to work even after we decided to pay for her bus rides. She would rather save that money. Saving 20 rupees a day added up to 600 rupees, or $10, per month.

Those old neighbors who sensitized me about Chandmari’s history are no more to be found. They have moved out of Chandmari after retirement; some have died. Our campus is less woody now. Several trees have been cut down to make way for new apartment complexes for new employees. The quaintness of the radio campus is a happy nostalgia. I met a new batch of middle-aged men and women. When I was a school-going teenager, they were young and newly married, full of hope and enthusiasm. Like prophets, they lament that the future of Assam is dark, so is theirs because everyone is neck deep in corruption; that these shopping malls are ephemeral like seasons’ flowers. They don’t lament about the Assam Movement. Nor do they say things would have been different if United Liberated Front of Assam would have led an intellectual and cultural movement.

They allege that the large, new business enterprises – media, malls, coal mining, constructions, multiplexes, restaurants – have investments from surrendered militants and corrupt politicians; that those are ways to turn black money into white. I don’t know if that is true.

A woman carrying her goats on a raft in the flood affected Chandrapur area of Guwahati, Assam, on Sept. 25, 2012.
European Pressphoto Agency
A woman carrying her goats on a raft in the flood affected Chandrapur area of Guwahati, Assam, on Sept. 25, 2012.
Something deep inside tells me — when I see the water-logged streets of this “much developed” city, when I think about our cook, when I hear of a woman called Basanti Devi getting electrocuted after stepping onto a puddle of water on a rainy evening while returning home after buying vegetables for dinner to feed her three fatherless children — that this change of Guwahati is not natural like a snake shedding old skin to get a healthy one. It is like Lakme foundation cream hiding pockmarks for just a few hours; there is something reprehensibly wrong with it.

In my room, I talk to old friends who pat my back, questioning me about my sex life, who ask me if I would carry this or that for them in my next trip. Some of them have found jobs in the new, booming private television media where a lot of journalists I know of are paid less than 10,000 rupees, or $160, per month. In the prime-time programs, they appear looking almost white, sleek and glamorous in attires provided by their channels. But their jobs have no other benefits – no health care, no security, no retirement schemes.

One of my old friends is now a television anchor. When we go out to buy traditional weaves to stitch new shirts for myself from the handloom market, people stare at us. I feel proud. After shopping, when we sit down to eat momos, I ask him what are his plans, because he entered the industry as a stopgap arrangement. I suggest that he take some competitive exams. He changes the topic.
I want to tell him about an Assamese journalist who has worked for more than 20 years for a wealthy print media house but earns just around 20,000 rupees per month, or $320, but I don’t. You don’t talk about exploitation and the future over pork momos.

It is evening. We decide to walk down home because we always did that when we were younger and poorer, dependent on the monthly allowances of our parents.

When we reach the riverbank in Uzan Bazaar, a breeze touches us.

I ask him, Do you remember that urban legend?

What legend? he asks.

Remember, when we were in high school during the late 1990s, some people used to talk about secret treasures? Of large bags of extorted money buried by militants? A lot of them surrendered, got huge stacks of currency from the government to start businesses. But later, they dug up those bags also. According to another version, the militants who buried those bags were killed but they passed on the information to others before dying. After “coming back to the mainstream,” the former militants dug up those treasures and used up the money. (I didn’t tell him that I wonder if that money is used to actually “develop” Guwahati.)

Why are you telling me that? he asks.

Because I don’t think it was an urban legend, I say. It must be true. Remember last summer when I was here, after heavy rains, thousand-rupee notes and five-hundred-rupee notes started floating in a marshland in Guwahati?

Yes, in Chachal, he says. I heard one daily wage laborer collected 50,000 rupees. I think two people drowned in the marsh while money-fishing, no?

I say nothing. He stops an auto-rickshaw.

I think it is going to rain, he says. Even if it rains a little, the city will be flooded and we won’t be able to reach home. Let’s not walk, he suggests.

When we haggle over the fare with the driver, I think about our cook. When it starts raining, I think about Basanti Devi. She had three children. The children seemed as if they were too young to understand what her death meant. When TV cameras zoomed in to show their confused faces, I had found myself wondering if the correspondents were disappointed to find them so stoic, for not crying.

Aruni Kashyap is the author of the novel “The House With a Thousand Stories.”
19 November 2013

A Tilak Turns Poll Scenario Riotous


By Devirupa Mitra


New Delhi, Nov 19 : A tilak on the forehead of four-time Mizoram Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla has been raked up into a poll issue, as the Opposition in the north-eastern state take up Mizo nationalism as their main plank.

The main Opposition alliance Mizoram Democratic Alliance seems to be exploiting the frustration inherent from a highly-educated young population, who are currently seeing high levels of unemployment.

“The Mizoram Assembly election will be a landmark in the history of Mizoram as it is the battle between the devotees of Mizo nationalism and the leaders who want the Indianisation of Mizo nation,” said Alliance’s joint statement. Local reports added that the MDA also boasted that they were free from “idolatory, spotting tilak, and practice of offering money to poor people to tame them by taking the advantage of their poverty”.

The joint statement affirmed that the MDA was trying its best to establish the government adaptable to Zo nations which would protect the religion, culture and tradition of Mizo as enshrined in the Constitution of India.

It is not surprising that the opposition has been using religion as a plank, with the Church being a strong influence in the state which has a majority Christian population. One of the last posts on the alliance’s Facebook page has a photograph of the CM at a Durga puja pandal. It’s not a new allegation against the CM, who has been pilloried by MNF and other opposition parties for also breaking a coconut at a inauguration ceremony, terming it as a Hindu ritual.

A photograph of the CM sporting a tilak has also been in circulation, used by the opposition claiming that he is a “weak Mizo”.

The Congress defended the CM, by pointing that ‘tilak’ is not religion, but part of culture, as normal as a western handshake.

In Patriarchal Mizoram, Women Still Fighting For Space

By Prasanta Mazumdar
Aizawl, Nov 19 : More than half of the state's voters are women, but only six are in the fray for the 40 assembly seats.

Women make up almost 51 per cent of Mizoram’s voters but they are still being treated as second class citizens, both politically and socially.

In patriarchal Mizoram, Mizos are guided by customary laws that deny women the right to inherit property among others. These laws give a Mizo man the right to marry a woman by paying a bride price of Rs 400 and Rs 20 as security deposit. In the event of divorce, a woman can get back her belongings by returning the security money.

Earlier, the bride price was equivalent to a ‘mithun, a semi-wild bison valued highly by tribes in the northeast. The social codes find few followers in urban Mizoram today. But that hasn’t changed the status of women in the state which boasts of being the second most literate state in the country.

Mizoram, which has 40 assembly seats, will go to the polls on November 25.  Of the total 686,305 voters, 349,506 are women.

“Women in Mizoram don’t get the respect they deserve. It’s unfortunate that we are still holding onto our patriarchal mindset,” Ruth, a woman leader, told dna. She added: “The society doesn’t think women are capable of being leaders. We have to change that mindset.”

Till date, only three women – Thanmawii and K Thansiami (both of the People’s Congress), and Lalhlimpuii (Mizo National Front) have made it to the assembly. Lalhlimpuii went on to become a minister.

In the 2010 civic body polls which the Congress won, six of the 19 seats were reserved for women. This had brightened the hopes of groups fighting for women empowerment. But the excitement was short-lived as only six women have been fielded for the 2013 assembly polls.

Altogether 141 candidates are in the fray. Political parties say they choose candidates judging ‘winnability’.

In 1998, the Congress and the regional parties fielded 10 women. The number was seven and nine for the 2003 and 2008 polls respectively.

“The fate of women in Mizoram will change once the Mizo Divorce Bill and the Mizo Inheritance Bill are pushed through. The Bills will hang fire as long as women don’t have their representatives in the assembly,” said Mizo Hmeichhe Insuihkhawm Pawl leader Lalrintluangi.

Mizo Nationalism Raises its Head

Aizawl, Nov 19 : Three decades after the issue of Mizo nationalism went into oblivion, the Mizoram opposition alliance has raked it up as one of their main planks of their November 25 state Assembly poll campaign.

“The issue (Mizo nationalism) was always there as it is the issue of our own identity. No one can ever compromise with his or her identity, or the identity of his community which is at stake,” said F Aithanga, senior leader of the Mizo National Front (MNF), which leads the Mizoram Democratic Alliance (MDA).

“Our main aim is the development of the economic conditions for the Mizos and protection of their identity,” Aithanga said.

Observers here feel that unemployment and backwardness, almost three decades after the creation of Mizoram, has provided the MNF with the opportunity to the issue of nationalism and economic sovereignty.

The ruling Congress, on the other hand, feels that bringing up the issue of Mizo nationalism is futile.

“The MNF is trying to misguide the masses. It is talking of Mizo nationalism, but the fact is that its members themselves had surrendered in 1986 due to infighting in their own ranks. When the surrender took place, only a handful of people turned out,” campaign head of the Mizoram Pradesh Congress Committee (MPCC) David M Thangliana said.

The MNF rubbished Congress’ claims and said the surrender was in order to keep the movement over ground.

The MDA is also trying to revive the sentiments of the people on its other demands for economic sovereignty.

Another poll issue involves photographs of Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla that show him with a tilak and attending pujas. After it appeared in a local newspaper, the MDA
 accused him and the Congress of hurting the sentiments of the Christian-dominant Mizoram society.

It even took out processions here to protest the chief minister’s alleged practice of another religion.

Lal Thanhawla’s comment that even Christian pastors wore tilaks when they go outside the state triggered a controversy and the powerful Presbyter Church condemned it.

“The tilak issue and the chief minister’s statement have created some confusion. But we don’t think that the MNF will be able to encash on it as much as they are hoping to,” said David M Thangliana, campaign head of the MPCC.

The issue of Congress’ New Land Use Policy (NLUP) and the proposed Special Economic Development Program (SEPD) of the MDA also figured during campaign.

The main aim of the NLUP was to develop and give all farmers in the state suitable, permanent and stable trades.

Mizoram election Update: Nov 19

Social media, SMS new campaign tools in Mizoram

Political parties in Mizoram have been using social media and mobile phones to woo voters, especially the youths, for the coming election to the 40-member state assembly to be held on November 25.
Zoram Nationalist Party chief Lalduhawma has an account on Facebook.
Rothuama Sailo, a close aide of Lalduhawma said a large number of Facebook users have taken to the medium to talk to the ZNP chief and ask him a plethora of questions on how he would govern the state if voted to power.
"We also send the party press releases to local mediapersons through Facebook," Sailo said, adding that the social networking site is so useful that they could issue press statements even while in remote villages.
He said that Internet SMS service 'way2sms' was also extensively used to send press releases to journalists'.
The ZNP has also used local cable television channels for campaigning as videotapes of the interview of the party chief were sent to different towns to be telecast, he said.
Youth leaders of the ruling Congress and the main opposition Mizo National Front have been fighting the crucial political battle for at least three years, and the battleground was not public meeting but Internet.
Facebook groups like 'Zoram Thlirtu', 'Dingdi', 'Zoram Khawvel' and 'Special Report' have been used by young politicians to put forward their views and the views of their parties and the groups have become arenas for political debate.
One political party even organised training for young party workers on how to use social media to the maximum advantage of the party during the coming Assembly polls.
Apart from Lalduhawma, sports minister Zodintluanga has also used Facebook as a medium of reaching out to the people.
The Mizoram Democratic Alliance, the alliance of the MNF, the Mizoram People's Conference and the Maraland Democratic Front are using SMSes for canvassing.

Lowest number of criminals, 53 pc crorepatis, 6 women

The North Eastern state of Mizoram, which is also going to polls on November 25, has just 2 candidates who have declared criminal cases against them in the affidavit.

A total of 142 candidates are in the fray for the 40-member state Assembly. According to an analysis done by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), only two Mizo National Front (MNF) candidates have criminal registered cases against them. Interestingly, every second candidate is a crorepati in this tiny hill state.

Of 142 candidates, 75 candidates are crorepatis. R Lalwia of ZNP contesting from Serlui is the richest candidates in the fray with a declared assets worth over Rs 68 crore. The MNF candidate from Aizwal West K Sangthuama is worth over Rs 25 crore. The chief minister and the Congress candidate from two constituencies Lal Thanhawla has declared assets worth Rs 14 crore.
Mizoram polls: 2 criminal candidates, 53 per cent crorepatis, 6 women
R Lalwia of ZNP contesting from Serlui is the richest candidates in the fray with a declared assets worth over Rs 68 crore.

Ninety-seven candidates are graduates or above. A total number of 111 candidates have not declared their PAN numbers. Shockingly only one candidate has filed Income Tax Returns.

The more shocking thing is the representation of women. There are just 6 women candidates in the fray. The BJP has fielded 3, the ruling Congress and the main opposition MNF have given ticket to just 1 woman each. There is also an independent woman candidate trying her luck.

Sonia promises sports centres in each district

Lunglei(Mizoram):  Congress president Sonia Gandhi today promised voters in poll-bound Mizoram that her party if returned to power would set up sports centres in each district to promote sportspersons.

Addressing an election rally here, Sonia Gandhi said : “We will fully support the initiative for full-fledged sports area in all district headquarters and the establishments of centres of excellence in different sports so that young men and women can get properly trained.”

Sonia Gandhi mentioned the National Food Security law, and said this would help the people of Mizoram to a large extent.

"We have made much progress in the country and in the northeast, in Mizoram, but in spite of that we all know that we have many areas where people suffer from malnutrition, especially children and expecting mothers. It seems to me as a challenge to ensure that everyone gets a meal”, he said.

Mizoram is one among the seven north eastern states which has given several athletes and renowned sportspersons to the country.

Polling will be held for the 40-seat Mizoram assembly on November 25.

Tight security for poll officials in Bru camps

Mizoram election department officials said elaborate security arrangements have been made for poll officials who have left for relief camps in Tripura to conduct polling for Bru voters lodged in six relief camps on November 19 and 20.

The move was necessitated to thwart any possible attempt by Mizo Students' Union (MSU) activists to prevent them from performing their duty.

Police said in Mamit district, 45 MSU activists were waiting at Kanhmun village on the Tripura border to stop election personnel from crossing the Langkaih bridge and enter Tripura. The officials are likely to cross the border at Kanhmun and enter Dhamcherra in Tripura at 7:30 pm.

The MSU leaders, in a press conference on Friday, said they did not object to the exercise of franchise by Bru voters, but opposed the conduct of polling outside the state through postal ballots.

"Let the Brus, who refused to return despite several appeals from the central and the state governments, come here and exercise their franchise. We will welcome them," said Zodinpuia, president of MSU.

Zodinpuia added that MSU found it unnecessary that the polling officials should be sent to relief camps to conduct the polling and the students would make another appeal to the election officials at the border village of Kanhmun.

There were about 11,332 voters in Bru relief camps enrolled in 9 assembly seats of Mizoram.

'Centre to act against illegal immigration in Mizoram'

The Centre was aware of illegal immigration in Mizoram and would take measures to check it, Congress president Sonia Gandhi said on Monday. DH File Photo.
The Centre was aware of illegal immigration in Mizoram and would take measures to check it, Congress president Sonia Gandhi said on Monday.

Addressing an election rally in Lunglei town, the UPA chairperson said that appropriate action would be taken to address the problem of illegal influx of foreigners through the international borders.

Gandhi, who went to Lunglei, 200 km away from here by helicopter from the Lengpui Airport, also said that efforts would be made to solve the boundary issues with neighbouring countries and states.

Gandhi said after exploration and production of hydrocarbon deposits in the state, more employment would be generated for youth.

Profits from the sale of hydrocarbon would be shared equally by the Centre and the state, she said.

She said that the ongoing Kaladan, Tuirial and Tuivai hydro-electricity projects and the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project would be completed soon creating more jobs for youth.

Appealing to young voters, Gandhi said that better sports infrastructure and women hostels would be set up in all district headquarters to help students and working women.

Speaking on the Food Security Act, she said it would not only minimise malnutrition, but also ensure that poor people both in the rural and urban areas could avail food at a cheaper and affordable price.

Stating that the Centre was aware of the high prevalence of cancer in Mizoram, she said, a 100-bed cancer hospital equipped with state-of-the-art equipment for diagnostic and treatment would be set up.

Gandhi was accompanied by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, AICC leaders Ambika Soni and Luizinho Faleiro and three party candidates from Lunglei district.

The Congress president returned to Delhi after the election rally.

Pre-paid Power Meters To Come Up in Nagaland

Pre-paid power meters to come up in Nagaland

Kohima, Nov 19 :  In move towards overcoming the Aggregate Technical and Commercial (AT&C) losses to the extent of 60 per cent faced by the state through power supply, the Department of Power, Nagaland would be introducing pre-paid power meters throughout the state in a phased manner.  The pilot project in the state would first be implemented in Dimapur district, said Parliamentary Secretary for Power, C Kipili Sangtam while inspecting the colonies where the pre-paid power meters were to be installed.

It is expected to be completed by the end of November this year.

Referring to the pilot project for implementation of pre-paid power meters, he pointed out that it was already implemented in other states and the department under phase-I was opening a new chapter and hoped it would help build discipline among people.

According to a handout issued by the state Power department, Nagaland is presently reeling under a heavy Aggregate Technical and Commercial loss to the extent of 60 per cent.

In order to bring about reforms in power sector and also reduce the AT&C losses, the state government has taken up the project to install pre-paid power meters to offset the huge losses.

It also revealed that 60 per cent of power allocated to Nagaland was consumed by Dimapur load centre but that the revenue collection in Dimapur was one of the lowest. 

BJP Alleges Corruption in Arunachal Power Project

http://t3.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRA2rooVvHcCyF9rQTOIQgYuPoX-IODrlJ7gb9hX5RWtbTX6KvTpAThe BJP in Arunachal Pradesh has accused a Congress MLA of resorting to corruption while executing a power project in remote Anjaw district bordering China.

The party in a statement today alleged that Congress MLA Karikho Kri has misused public money and misled the state government along with AICC secretary in charge of Arunachal Pradesh Sanjay Bapna about the actual status of the Hatipani hydel project in the district.

The 2x50 kilowatt project was inaugurated on January 2 by Rajya Sabha member Mukut Mithi.

"Surprisingly, as per the list of existing hydel stations under department of hydro power development (DHPD), the project had been commissioned in 2009," Anjaw district BJP president Banim Kri claimed.

He said he visited the site on November 10 and found that equipments like turbines, penstock, etc were lying neglected.

During an interaction with the villagers of Goiliang, he was informed that a portable generator had been used to supply electricity to the entire circle headquarters on the day of the inauguration.

"Right from the very next day, there was no electricity in the area and the same is true to this day," the BJP leader said and demanded a CBI inquiry to unearth the exact magnitude and extent of corruption.