11 February 2014

Post-mortem report of Nido Tania reveals he died of severe head and lung injuries

By NISHIT DHOLABHAI

New Delhi, Feb 11 : Under pressure in the Nido Tania case, the Northeast MP’s Forum (NEMPF) today wrote to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to set up a judicial commission and call an all-party meeting to discuss an anti-racial discrimination bill.

With crimes against Northeast youths turning into a political issue, the Centre is likely to call an all-party meeting tomorrow, sources said. The Union home ministry is also “contemplating” action against Delhi police.

The post-mortem report of Nido Tania, 19, has revealed that he died of severe head and lung injuries, police told Delhi High Court today. The police said the three persons arrested in the case earlier and charged with assault will now face murder charges.

The court also asked the Centre to give draft guidelines to the police by tomorrow to ensure safety of people from the Northeast living in New Delhi.

Groups of students and NGOs protesting in the Tania case and against the rape of a minor girl from Manipur on Saturday came down heavily on the MPs for not raising their voices. Rejecting the Union home ministry’s committee of “retired bureaucrats” to address problems of northeasterners in cities, they insisted on an anti-racial discrimination legislation.

The 39 MPs of the forum have, belatedly though, pushed for the agenda set by the protesters and politicians from the Northeast are rushing to Delhi. Manipur chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh spent time with the 14-year-old victim who was allegedly dragged over a hundred metres before being brutally raped.

Singh told The Telegraph that he was in favour of an anti-racism law.

“Call an all-party meeting to discuss ways and means of introducing and enacting the bill,” said one of the resolutions adopted by the NEMPF in a meeting on Saturday and included in the letter sent to the Prime Minister today.

While the Union home ministry has argued that a separate legislation may not be necessary if amendment to existing laws is possible, the BJP has apparently got one step ahead to virtually oppose racial discrimination. BJP leader Sushma Swaraj told a delegation, led by activist Binalakshmi Nepram, that Section 153A IPC was adequate and the protesters should not insist on a separate anti-racism legislation.

Nepram was accompanied by student leaders, Tripura king Pradyot Manikya Debbarma and Olympian boxer Shiva Thapa, who hails from Assam.

The group rejected the BJP’s argument and said the anti-racism law was not just for people from the Northeast but also for dealing with discrimination of people from the north in South India or the other way round and against non-locals in the Northeast.
10 February 2014

Lack of technical manpower & infrastructure hurts IT growth in Northeast

By Indu Nandakumar & Harichandan Arakali

BANGALORE: Narendra Modi may want information technology companies to flock to the Northeast but software services firms are saying the BJP prime ministerial candidate's wishes are unlikely to be fulfilled any time soon.

The absence of technical manpower , exacerbated by the lack of infrastructure, prevents development of IT in the Northeast, insiders in India's $108-billion outsourcing industry said, reacting to Modi's exhortation. "Why can't Manipur be made into an IT hub," Modi asked, in a speech in Imphal, blaming the Congressled government for the Northeast's woes, including crumbling infrastructure and persistent "insurgency ."

"There is no harm in considering the Northeast. In fact, wherever IT industry goes, it gives people highpaying jobs," said Rostow Ravanan , chief financial officer at Bangalore-based Mindtree, which is setting up its largest training centre in Bubhaneshwar. However, "at this point of time, I don't see many IT firms setting up their centres in the Northeast because there aren't too many engineering schools," Rostow Ravanan said.

The reasons for the IT industry shunning the region are fairly simple , according to industry insiders: "It is no rocket science ... beyond the existence of an airport, if there aren't good schools, hospitals and entertainment that the IT talent looks for," the region won't attract the industry, said one executive, who didn't want to be named. "Forget the Northeast, there's hardly any IT presence in Kolkata ," the person said.

Sops Key for Expansion for Technology Firms

As long as smaller cities don't offer the type of availability of talent and infrastructure needed for the IT industry, young people will continue to flock to bigger centres such as Bangalore or Hyderabad. "It's primarily because of the physical and social infrastructure and the availability of talent and opportunities.The opportunity actually feeds off on the first three and then it becomes a cycle ... because there is a lack of opportunity the other three don't develop, so it's a little bit of a tricky situation," the person said.

This means, once people decide not to move, then it's impossible to achieve scale in an industry such as the IT sector. Given the right incentives, however, not just India's large technology firms but even midsized companies would be willing to expand to tier-2 cities, which often bring their own advantages, such as people staying longer at their jobs, being more satisfied as they stay closer to their families and so on.

The lack of technical manpower is the single most important reason for the industry to shun the region, and concerns such as less-than-stable governance seem to be more secondary. "The challenge lies in attracting large pools of technical manpower in the Northeast ," said Ganesh Natarajan, CEO of Pune-based Zensar Technologies. "The Centre should first set up four large universities in Guwahati, Shillong, Manipur and Arunachal, focused on employable skills," Natarajan said.

Between 2011 and 2021, the region will have close to 17 million job seekers and only 2.6 million jobs, half of which will be in Assam alone, according to a January 2013 report by the Indian Chamber of Commerce and the consultancy PricewaterhouseCoopers . The National Association of Software and Services Companies, the industry's lobby, has tried getting the central government to consider a two-tiered incentive policy to encourage the IT industry to push deeper into smaller cities and towns.  Such a policy is yet to materialise.


Incentives could include support on capital investments, tax holidays and employment-generation based subsidies. India could even follow what China is attempting in trying to develop its interior provinces , where for each person a company hires, the government offers some incentives , industry insiders said.One executive, who didn't want to be named, said "we don't need incentives to work in Hyderabad, Bangalore or Chennai anymore.

The industry needs incentives to work out of a Bhopal or Bhubaneswar and then gradually even a place like Guwahati may start looking attractive, but by choice I have no illusions about the industry moving to the Northeast anytime soon."

Mizo Farmers Slam Govt

Aizawl, Feb 10 : All Mizoram Farmer's Union (AMFU), one of the largest non-governmental agrarian organizations in Mizoram that looks after the well-being of agriculturists and manual labourers in the state, slammed the Lal Thanhawla government for violation of settlement made over charge of royalty on broom selling and asked to apologize for not being honest.

AMFU had alleged Environment and Forest department of violating the settlement made between AMFU general headquarter and E & F department on September 30, 2013 over royalty.

In the agreement made in the presence of Col.ZS Zuala, parliamentary secretary incharge of E &F department both parties had agreed that only Re.1 royalty would be charged on every 1 kg of commercial broom harvested from a land which covers individual land with VC/ Lsc patta and from a land which are being in used under New Land Use Policy (NLUP) trade.

While royalty to the extent of Rs.7 per kg would be imposed on those brooms not covered by NLUP trade and are harvested from reserved forest.

However, in some areas it is learnt that the government in violation of the agreement has charged Rs.7 per kg royalty on commercial brooms either under NLUP scheme or from reserved forest.

While the farmers and broom growers are expected to live in contend based on the AMFU and E & F department, it is very regretful that the government on its part violated the agreement by charging an exorbitant royalty rate on broom which in turn siphoned away the profit to enjoy by the growers from their sale, AMFU said in its statement.

Revoking the agreement made on September 30, 2013 at PCCF Conference Hall, AMFU demanded E & F department to return all the sum of royalty charged beyond the limit advocated in the agreement.

It further appealed all the broom growers in different parts of the state not to pay royalty charge to government beyond the approved rate.

AMFU general headquarters in a statement also appealed the E & F department to make an apology before February 15 for violation of agreement.

Bangalore University sets up separate hostel for Northeastern students

Bangalore: After the tragic death of Arunachal boy Nido Taniam in Delhi, one the largest varsities in India - the Bangalore University - has now set up a separate hostel for Northeastern students. The university said that the idea behind it is to protect students from racial discrimination.

"We will build the hostel, install CCTV cameras, make security arrangements and put security also. That's how we can protect the safety and interest of the north east," said B Thimme Gowda, Vice-Chancellor, Bangalore University.

While students from the Northeast have a mixed opinion on a special hostel for them, the larger question is, will such a move isolate them further in the name of security? Will such a hostel prevent their mingling with others, failing the very purpose of integration? A 19-year-old BA student, S Henna from Manipur, who stays as a paying guest near her college, has a mixed feelings over the proposal.

"This hostel is going to provide protection only in the hostel but they aren't going to give security throughout the places wherever we go. When we are in hostel, yea, we are secure but what happens when we are outside? We can't just stay there, live there and just stick to the hostel," said Henna.

"I don't think it is necessary because we all have our own places like flats, PGs. I think it should be open for the working class," said another girl.

But there are people who support this idea. "I think it's a good idea but personally, I think we should involve the others, with locals so that we can live together peacefully," said a boy from the Northeast.

Meanwhile, the university has defended its plan saying efforts will also be made to mainstream Northeastern students. "We may accommodate 50 per cent of people of Northeast and also from other places for interactions," said Thimme Gowda.

It has been only 2 years, since Bangalore witnessed a temporary exodus of Northeastern students after fears of racist attacks. And now, days after Taniam's death, the university has said it's only reflecting the fears of immigrant students.

The ‘Foreign’ Indians

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It was the rarest of spectacles, an alignment of political stars that no astrologer could have predicted: Rahul Gandhi, Narendra Modi and Arvind Kejriwal, all lending their support to a single agitation. Even more unexpectedly, the agitation in question was one being staged by students from India’s Northeast region.

For decades now, that region and the “mainland” of India (to which it is connected tenuously by a land corridor 22 kilometres wide at its narrowest point) have had a troubled relationship. Differences in culture, religion and food habits, and even in physical appearances, have deepened the sense of alienation felt by many from the region who made the journey to India’s bustling metropolises in search of education or jobs.

It was his appearance that sparked off the fight that seems to have led to the tragic death of Nido Tania, a student from Arunachal Pradesh, in Delhi’s Lajpat Nagar. Police records and the testimony of his friends show that Tania was severely beaten up by a group of youth after he broke a shop’s display window. He had stopped to ask for directions, and been met with a racist taunt, which infuriated him.

Such taunts are “par for the course”, says Nicholas Kharkongor, a writer and director of mixed Naga and Khasi descent who lives in Delhi. He’s been in Delhi and Mumbai for 20 years now, and has learnt to blank out these taunts, he says. His forbearance has meant that he has not found himself in “any sort of extreme situation”.

“If in a place you have a singular exotica, a few people from elsewhere, you will be nice to them. If there are a lot, fascination will give way to xenophobia. Delhi has a huge Northeastern population,” he says.

The size of this population came into notice in 2012 after rumours circulating on SMS sparked off an exodus of people from the region who live and work in cities such as Delhi, Pune and Bengaluru. The incident drew the attention of Prof Sanjib Baruah, an authority on the region who teaches at Bard College in New York. In a paper for the January 2013 issue of Himal Southasian, Prof Baruah noted the presence of at least 2 lakh Northeasterners in Delhi.

In an email interview, he wrote that while he was very disturbed by the Tania incident, he saw a silver lining. “I am glad that Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi went to the protests. The political establishment appears to be taking this incident more seriously than previous racial incidents. I hope the discussion leads to the recognition of such crimes as hate crimes,” he wrote.

Watershed moment
These protests could prove to be a watershed moment given the recognition from all major political parties that there is racial discrimination being faced by some Indians in India, a fact that has long been ignored or denied. It is also a watershed moment in the very vocal identification by the protesters from the Northeast of themselves as Indians. The region has been home to numerous separatist insurgencies down the decades since 1947, and the Indian identity was not something everyone from the region sported easily.

Borkung Hrangkhawl, a rap musician from Tripura who lives in Delhi, is the son of a legendary insurgent leader from the state, Bijoy Kumar Hrangkhawl. His father gave up the gun after 10 years of armed struggle, in 1988, and took to politics. Asked whether he feels Indian, Borkung paused for a moment to say that it was a loaded question before answering “yes”.

“A lot of us don’t feel Indian,” says Kharkongor, but adds that he is not among those. “I feel very Indian,” he says.

Prof. Baruah, who authored a seminal text called India Against Itself on the politics of nationality, says, “Northeasterners are seeking integration as equal citizens, which is not the same as assimilation”.

The younger generation of writers, thinkers and musicians from the region seem to agree with this view.

Ankush Saikia, an author who divides his time between Tezpur and Shillong and lived in Delhi earlier, says “focusing on differences rather than factors that bring us together is harmful for everyone in the long run”.

He agrees that it is a difficult and complex matter, and says, “We need to look at the treatment of people from outside the Northeast in the Northeast itself, and the many opportunities available to and availed by people from the Northeast in the rest of India.”

Perhaps the worst sufferers of the periodic bouts of violence against “outsiders” have been the Bengali minority who scattered throughout the Northeast for generations.

Sonali Dutta, who now lives in the United Kingdom, recalls an incident from her college days in Shillong.

“It was during Durga Puja and I was walking back home from the pandal with my boyfriend just after dusk. As we approached a quiet, poorly lit stretch on the street leading down to my house, six Khasi boys surrounded us. One of them exposed a knife in his inner leather jacket pocket. While they were busy punching and kicking my boyfriend along with profuse racial verbal abuses, I managed to slip out of their circle to look for help. In the meantime, my boyfriend broke out of their loop, caught my hand and yelled, ‘run!’ I threw my handbag and we ran for our lives.”

There’s a sense of xenophobia in the Northeast, says Kharkongor. “It needs to go…I don’t know what can be done about it,” he says. The situation there is “more grim”, he adds.

“Bridges need to be built between this region and the rest of the country so that there can be understanding and interaction, and ultimately, mutual respect,” says Mitra Phukan, the Assam-based president of the Northeast Writers’ Forum.

Mary Therese Kurkalang, director of the Cultures of Peace Festival, is at the forefront of efforts to build such bridges. She left Shillong to live in Delhi in 1998 and has been there since. “I consciously choose to live in India’s capital that is not always known for being kind to women or minorities or to anyone at many and various levels,” she says, adding, “There is also much that this city offers. I came to this city with `5,000, a suitcase full of synthetic clothes, a Class 12 Pass certificate, and a great deal of hope! After 16 years, I can look back and say, ‘Delhi you didn’t let me down!’ I run a company of my own, know thousands of people (and not just on social media), I have a wonderful Punjabi landlady in whose flat I have lived for 11 years running! I celebrate Christmas, Id and Diwali with equal gusto. So every now and then, if someone asks me ‘aap kahaan se ho’, I patiently explain to them where Shillong is, starting from Kolkata, then to Assam and a 100 kilometres up to Shillong — the capital of Meghalaya ‘the abode of clouds’ where perhaps a bit of me always floats.”

14-year-old Manipuri girl raped, sparks off protests

NEW DELHI: A 14-year-old girl from the northeastern state of Manipur was allegedly raped by her landlord's son in South Delhi's Munirka area.

The accused identified as Vicky has been arrested after an FIR was registered under Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act at Vasant Vihar Police Station, police said.

However, the incident, which comes close on the heels of the death of an Arunachal Pradesh youth Nido Tania, sparked off protests outside the police station with students groups from the northeast blocking the road and clashing with the police following which traffic was diverted in the area.

The demonstrators raised anti-police slogans and also tried to barge into the police station.

Later, Delhi Commission of Women Chairperson Barkha Singh reached the spot and spoke to protesters. She also held a meeting with senior police officials in this regard.

"An accused has been arrested in the case. The girl is out of danger, her medical examination was also done. We are looking into the case and we will go to any extent to make sure that the perpetrators in this case are hanged. It is very shameful and unfortunate that she was raped in the same area where she lived by her landlord's son," Singh told reporters.

According to a police official, the incident took place last night at around 10:30 PM when the victim stepped out to buy some household items in the locality. Vicky accosted her in front of a hospital in the area and took her to a nearby room and raped her."

The girl has suffered injuries and was taken to Safdarjung Hospital where she underwent a medical examination.
06 February 2014

Would India’s northeast be better off with China?

By Jug Suraiya

Every time Beijing lays claim to the whole of Arunachal Pradesh as being part of its national territory, New Delhi’s hackles rise. Arunachal, as indeed all the northeastern states, are indisputably part of the Indian Union.

Or are they? While political India claims sovereignty over them, so-called ‘mainstream’ India – another, and misleading, word for the Hindi-Hindu belt – treats them like foreigners.

The tragic case of Nido Tania, the young student from Arunachal Pradesh, who was beaten to death in New Delhi after he got into an altercation with ruffians who had cast a racial slur at him is just one of a long list of hate crimes against people from the northeast when they come to the Indian heartland.

Because Nido was the son of a Congress MLA, his case has drawn VVIP attention: Rahul Gandhi has publicly expressed his support and sympathy for all those from the northeast, and home minister Shinde has told the police to expedite their investigations.

Just four days before Nido was fatally attacked, two women from Manipur were assaulted by a bunch of goons, barely a few kilometres from where the young student from Arunachal was fatally beaten up.

In both these cases – and in all the countless such incidents that go unreported and unrecorded, precisely because they are so common that no one bothers to take note of them – the only provocation was that the victims looked ‘different’ from what Indians are ‘meant’ to look like – whatever that might mean.

People from the northeast are routinely labelled ‘Chinki’. They are frequently asked if they eat dogs, and are presumed by many so-called ‘mainstream’ Indians to be sexually promiscuous, particularly in the case of women who are made to suffer offensive physical and verbal advances.

Days after Nido’s death, newly-appointed Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal promised a number of measures to help fight such racist discrimination, including making a study of the history of the northeast mandatory in schools and the appointing of a special panel comprising people from the region to look into cases of such hate crimes.

Welcome as these and similar proposals are, the question that arises is: Why are such special protective measures necessary at all? Why is Indian society so hostile to anyone who doesn’t in appearance or custom fit into a cookie-cutter stereotype of what being an ‘Indian’ means?

Despite the national mantra of ‘Unity in diversity’, India is increasingly becoming more and more intolerant of any form of difference from the ‘mainstream’, whether that difference is of ethnic appearance or that of sexual preference, as shown by the Supreme Court’s recent ‘recriminalising’ of homosexuality.

Minorities of any kind – ethnic, religious or sexual – feel increasingly unsafe in an India which seems growingly allergic to any kind of heterogeneousness, any kind of diversity or difference.

Political India insists that the northeast is part of the Indian republic, ‘mainstream’ India rejects – often with extreme violence – all ‘foreign-looking’ northeasterners.

So, would our northeastern states be better off with China, or at least better off independent of India?

Nido Tania might have had an answer to that question. And he might have been alive today to answer it if he hadn’t been compelled to be part of a country whose self-appointed ‘mainstream’ hates all people like him.

Mizoram Makes a Mark in Mumbai

Chengrang Lanu and MNF: Mizo Uprising to be screened at prestigious fest
Aizawl, Feb 6 : Mizo filmmaker Malsawmkima Chhangte did not expect his first short film, made without proper equipment, to travel this far.
“My first film being selected is unbelievable,” was Chhangte’s reaction to his debut film, Chengrang Lanu, being selected for the prestigious Mumbai International Film Festival, 2014.
Chengrang Lanu (Musket Lady), directed and produced by Chhangte, has been selected in the short film competition (national) category, while another Mizo film about the two-decade Mizoram insurgency has been selected in the prism (non-competitive) documentary film under 40 minutes category.
MNF: Mizo Uprising is a documentary directed and produced by Napoleon R.Z. Thanga.
Chengrang Lanu will be screened on Saturday between 4pm and 5pm at Godrej Theatre.
Though Chhangte has a number of documentaries to his credit, Chengrang Lanu is his first short film.
“We made this film without proper props and my actors also work as crew members when they are off-screen. It is a group effort and it paid off pretty well, much more than we expected. It encourages me to make more films. I’m planning to make a full feature film in the near future,” Chhangte told The Telegraph before leaving for the film festival.
Chengrang Lanu depicts an unusual event in the life of a young Mizo girl. It attempts to illustrate a different aspect of the role of women in early Mizo life where a stereotypical girl would stay at home, work in the fields or just be unable to fend for herself. It starts with a brief narration of the old way of life of the Mizos with visual imagery (sketches) depicting the narration.
Emphasis is laid on the dangers of the life of people who are always at war with each other. The scene then dissolves into one where the protagonist is being stalked by two warriors from a neighbouring tribe, is abducted and carried back to the enemy village. The ambush party stops for rest at a thlam (jhum hut) where the girl somehow manages to escape and take revenge on her captors.
Filmmaking in a state like Mizoram, where the silver screen is past its golden era and the markets are swamped with dubbed Korean movies, requires a lot of zeal and even risk.
“In Mizoram where there is not a single cinema hall to screen your film and the audiences are glued to dubbed Korean movies, you cannot expect any monetary profits from making films,” Chhangte added.
Chengrang Lanu had bagged the second prize in the first Mizo Short Film Competition, 2013, jointly organised by the Mizoram Films Development Society (MFDS) and the state government’s information and public relations department.
The state government, in collaboration with MFDS, has been actively trying to promote Mizo films in an attempt to counter the invasion of foreign movies, mostly Korean, whose dubbed versions are beamed 24x7 on the local cable television across the state.
In an official statement, the director of information and public relations, Jim K. Chozah, congratulated the two Mizo filmmakers on their films being selected in the international film festival. He hoped that the achievement would encourage other Mizo filmmakers to look for a global audience.
His department and the MFDS provide basic training to aspiring filmmakers of the state. Two campuses now function as a film city, with traditional Mizo villages serving as permanent exhibits.
“The goal is to encourage Mizo filmmakers to create films based on the state’s history and Mizo folk tales,” Chozah said.
In last year’s budget, Rs 20 lakh was earmarked for the promotion of visual arts and the film industry by the Mizoram government.